How the 30pc share of government is working for KKA
Pundits leaning towards Azimio la Umoja-One Kenya coalition have struggled to push the narrative of a 70 per cent vote delivery condition that is purportedly attached to the 30 per cent allocation of government share to the Western Region in the Kenya Kwanza Alliance (KKA) coalition agreement.
Most are at pains in casting doubt on the ability of ANC and Ford-Kenya contingent in KKA to rouse enough support to meet the imaginary condition.
It’s imaginary because there is no such collateral in the agreement. It’s just an imposition by propagandists meant to sow doubt and destabilise Western voters into believing the condition is unachievable. That way, it’s hoped, voters will despair and not vote for KKA. It’s time to debunk this.
The unfazed duo of Musalia Mudavadi and Moses Wetang’ula have taken the cheeky test in stride. They have turned the mischievous 70 per cent into an irreducible minimum rallying call for a target of 90 per cent delivery of the Western region vote into the KAA presidential basket.
As usual, statistics are used to mislead. Those posturing the 70 per cent ruse don’t say it's a percentage of what vote. Is it a percentage of the 2.1 million registered voters, presidential voter turnout or a combo turnout of the six elections? There is deadly silence there, which is a signature tune for those caught lying.
Indeed, it’s incorrigible to keep happing on results of the 2013 presidential elections, and especially votes cast for Musalia in that election a decade ago, as the yardstick from which to predict this year’s vote pattern and outcome in the region. The outcome of 2007 and 2017 when Musalia helped turnout the 85 per cent vote in favour of Raila Odinga is relegated to the backburner.
Currently, the duo is hacking at a target of 90 per cent vote in favour of William Ruto. While it took backbreaking work and extraneous tricks to convince the Luhya to vote 85 per cent for Raila in the last three elections, Ruto has grown his own goodwill within the community in the last decade that is easy to turn into votes.
While it took local academicians to invent the myth that the mystic Masinde Wa Nameme had prophesied that Luhya leadership of Kenya will come only via supporting a candidate from the lake, who would later transfer leadership reins to a Luhya leader; Ruto doesn’t require such underhand cheating to sell.
Ruto speaks to the ordinary grudge of the Luhya—years of exclusion from government projects and public service, collapsed agricultural factories and like the majority of Kenyans, excessive taxation and high cost of basic commodities.
Western decries the fact the four counties of Busia, Bungoma, Kakamega and Vihiga aren’t represented in Cabinet, have only one Principal Secretary, and their economic pillars Mumias and Nzoia sugar factories are closed following in the footsteps of cotton ginneries that bestrode Busia county that died a while back.
Ruto’s sharp and distinctive economic empowerment message of hope resonates wildly among people seeking honour, pride, recognition and sustainable development. Striding a deep sense of neglect by the government, KKA coalition deal is a show stopper, a breath of fresh air that is propelling the community to vote Kenya Kwanza.
The grassroots are ecstatic that for once in a long while, they will have a share of the government consumption rate with their six million-plus share of the national population.
The message of a 30 per cent share of government and a list of development projects to cap it all has a resounding endorsement across generations.
Based on the current government set-up, 30 per cent share graphically translates to seven Cabinet slots, 14 PSs, 27 diplomatic slots, 75 chairs and innumerable directorships in State Corporations, and equitable space in the troubled recruitment in security forces. Development goodies include 1,000km of tarmacked roads; revival of fisheries and rice-growing; and reduction in the cost of agricultural inputs.
To cap it all, Mudavadi is the prime minister.
From a succession matrix in the Executive, Mudavadi ranks third after Deputy President while a reserved Speaker of National Assembly post for the region is also third in State succession, again, after the DP.
There is no gainsaying that against Azimio, KKA deal is a solid executable and legally binding accord, as opposed to press statement promises from Azimio of one Cabinet post and Speaker of the Senate.
In fact, the Azimio offers are derided for lack of content and legality. It’s much easier to withdraw the Azimio promise than the KKA deal.
If politics is all about interests, then the interests of the Western region lie in the absolute KKA coalition deal.
— The writer is the Spokesman for ANC party leader Musalia Mudavadi
